Week 10: Asia as Home(land)

1. Popular Music: Sounds of Home, Resistance, and Change by Kieu-Linh Valverde

For many individuals, music is not only a medium of entertainment; it also symbolizes the essence of home. According to Valverde, the popularity of Vietnamese music not only influences North Vietnam but also South Vietnam and diasporic Vietnamese communities. This chapter discusses the effects music has on the communities both negative and positive.

Many negatives existed in the music scene, revealing the anguish of the people. After 1965, only songs “praising heroes of the revolution and proclaiming love of the newly reunified nation”(47) were allowed to be played thus songs expressing sad melancholic tones were forbidden. Even though these restrictions were implemented, individuals from both the North and South continued to enjoy Vietnamese music in secret. Media produced by groups such as Paris By Night/ Thuy Nga Productions circulated to Vietnam through the black market where it was purchased abundantly. In North Vietnam, bootlegged media was kept hidden and purchased secretly. On the other hand in South Vietnam, these items were sold out in the open to the public. This black market gave rise to the notion that Vietnamese individuals would go through whatever means to gain what they want; which was good music. Many individuals exhibiting strong opinions regarding the “types of music that should be produced and consumed led to censorship, which [was] not limited to Vietnamese living in Vietnam but [extended] to the diaspora”(52). Oftentimes, reasons behind censorship included: promoting music made in Vietnam and imagery threatening the ideology of anti-communism. These censorships led to riots. For Vietnamese singers promoting in America, they were typically met with protests and riots. A popular Vietnamese singer, Dam Vinh Hung, was pepper-sprayed by an anti-communist activist, Ly Tong, during a performance in the United States. Incidents like this showed that “cultural collaborations with Vietnam [were] not acceptable”(56).

Upon arriving in the new diaspora, many Vietnamese individuals longed for their homeland. Through music, they were able to recall memories and feel united through the heartfelt lyrics. Vietnamese diasporic individuals created entertainment companies such as Paris By Night/Asia to produce music shows, cassettes, cds, and videos. The creation of such industries allowed diasporic individuals to share a common link to the homeland they yearned for the most. Vietnamese diasporic individuals switched from jiving along American music to Vietnamese music. The integration gave rise to “aesthetic diversity”(39) and united the older generations with the younger generations. Being able to connect with the American and Vietnamese side created “a social space for identity formation”(39). Even for those in Vietnam, acceptance towards diasporic music has improved throughout the years.  This shared music spread to Vietnam, playing loudly in the streets. At the end of the day, the overseas Vietnamese and homeland Vietnamese will find themselves more alike than they think through their shared love for music and their culture.

Questions:

1. Because younger generations are most likely more limited in their knowledge of Vietnamese language and culture, why are they still abundant in the Vietnamese music scene?

2. Communism is a large issue that leads to significant protests. Do you feel like the restriction of certain images and music will really control communism? Why or why not?

Paris By Night- Toi La Nguoi Vietnam (I am Vietnamese)


2. Diaspora Politics, Homeland Erotics, and the Materializing of Memory” by Lousia Schein

“Diaspora Politics, Homeland Erotics, and the Materializing of Memory” by Lousia Schein points out the history of the Hmong people from Southeast Asia and their association with their “homeland”. A part of their history is that they came from China along with the fact that there isn’t much in writing about the Hmong people and most of what is passed down is through designs in their clothing. Hmong people originated in China as the “Miao” people and migrated down to possibly Mongolia as well as Southeast Asia due to possible conflicts with Chinese Imperialists. During the Viet Nam war, many Hmong people were seeking refuge in Laos and eventually immigrated to U.S. Many Hmong Americans long to go back to Laos and Hmong New Year is an important holiday for many Hmong people where Miao people from China as well as Lao people come to celebrate in Fresno. With much diversity in Hmong New Year, it shows a form of unity between cultures as well as exposure to gender norms like women wearing traditional Hmong dresses and more. It’s interesting to note that Hmong men consider the Miao women very exotic because of their relationship as the origin of Hmong people and how traditional they are while Hmong women who were previously seen as those who could not survive without a mate are eventually becoming more independent and discovering that they can be strong without being dependent. It is theorized that Hmong men seek these Miao women because the Hmong men feel emasculated by the progressive Hmong women and believe that seeking Miao women would achieve some power. In most Hmong traditions, men seek women in New Year festivals for marriage and there is a huge emphasis in marriage in the Hmong culture where some marriages can be arranged or that there is honor or dishonor when marrying certain clans. It is still difficult to define Hmong diaspora as many of the Hmong Americans came from different homelands like Thailand, Laos, China, and more. There is much materialization and objectification of women in the Hmong culture that it brings about cultural issues in the community and it may be seen as acceptable in cultural homelands, it may not be in America and can progressively change in the future possibly.

The following is a video on what Hmong New Year is like. As you can see, most of the women are dressed in traditional clothing and shows a huge gathering of people together in a space.

Questions:

1.       1. Who defines traditions? Is it possible to change tradition? If so, why is it so difficult to?

2.      2.  How is understanding gender roles related to diaspora studies and/or transnationalism

3. Jeffrey Lesser, "From Japanese to Nikkei and Back." Displacement. 

            Different fictitious stories have been spread on the origination of Japanese in Brazil. Jeffrey Lesser, examines the integration strategies of Japanese immigrants through the economical, political, and social sphere. All three stories of origins offer a striking similarity, the fact that the Japanese are viewed as more original, as if they were here before the Brazilian people were. To fight for a space of their own and for their own Brazilian identity, the Japanese has used many different methods and incorporated many different strategies. Even though they might have resided in Brazil for generations, some Japanese are still considered just Japanese, not Japanese-Brazilian, not Brazilian, but foreign.

            In order to counter this, the Japanese had to negotiate and fight for their own space. Some sought after “whiteness” through reproduction with Brazilians, while others sought after it through “economic growth and domestic production.” Eventually, things like status, nationalism, and productivity became a part of their identity.  Another way to integrate them within the Brazilian society is through unconditional nationalism. By addressing themselves as Brazilian and ONLY Brazilian, they are able to gain more acceptance. For example, Cassio Knro Shimomoto and Jose Yamashiro, students at San Paulo’s prestigious Sao Francisco Law School volunteered for the Sao Paulo state forces because of their nationalism and patriotism. They were praised for their actions and loyalty for the country and they became a figure of what Nikkei should be in Brazil.

            After the growing amount of anti-Japanese sentiments rolled out in the 1940s, some Japanese immigrants fought back by creating secret societies such as the Shindo Renmei that insisted that Japan had won WWII. These societies became increasingly popular; garnering the support of many Japanese immigrants because the group’s goal was to, “maintain a permanent Japanized space in Brazil through the preservation of language, culture, and religion among Nikkei and the reestablishment of Japanese schools.” Also, Shindo Renmei did not endorse Japan as the homeland, but much rather promoted Brazil as their home country. What was alarming that brought the Shindo Renmei group to the attention of the Brazilian government was the fact that they had recruited people to assassinate people who insisted that Japan had lost the war. What was even more shocking was the way that Jose Carlos de Marcedo Soares, a Brazilian politician dealt with this. Instead of addressing it as a Japanese problem, he and many other government officials got together with leaders of Shindo Renmei to come up with a settlement between the groups. This shows the respect and position that Nikkei in Brazil has gained throughout the years and how the Japanese are now considered to be a part of the Brazilian identity. Through the usage of identity formation, the Japanese are able to find a space of their own within the Brazilian society. 

Discussion Question

1.      What methods have other diasporas used to integrate themselves as part of the host country and identity?

2.      What is the difference between whiteness through skin color and whiteness through economic achievements?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a68Yo3RoZ1s

 

Written by Nicole, Tri-Thien, Cheyenne