Week 11: (Re)thinking Diasporas

Robert G. Lee, ”Crossing Borders of Discipline and Departments”. Displacements and Diasporas: Asians in the Americas.

     We’ve all heard the saying “don’t judge a book by it’s cover”, so shouldn't we practice what we preach? We were all affected as individuals and as a nation on September 11, 2001, whether it was personally or emotionally. But the people who had and still have it the worst are those who are or assumed to be Muslim and Muslim American. After 9/11, three Muslim American men were victims of racial profiling; Sher Singh, arrested for the assumption of being involved in the 9/11 attack, and Balbar Singh Sodhi and Waqar Hasan, both shot to death in front of their businesses. In Robert G. Lee’s chapter “Crossing Borders of Discipline and Departments” in Displacements and Diasporas: Asians in the Americas, he states “globally and locally, multiculturalism, the celebration of hybridity as a commercialized lifestyle, has become the ideology for managing the increasingly deep class and racial cleavages brought about by neoliberal economic policy” (p. 252). What Lee means by this is that we should live in a diverse society without discriminating others. Yet, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, an arm of the ministry of homeland security, requires immigrants, new or permanent residents, to register with them. Also, in 1996, Congress authorized the Immigration and Naturalization Services to deport any immigrants based on their criminal past.

Question:
Why is it that we teach children at an early age to not judge people based on how they look, yet its ok for the Government to single out certain ethnic groups and get away with it by creating new arms of homeland security and legislations?

(Sher Singh, Photo Credit: www.sikhchic.com, 2011)

Nancy Abelmann, “Anthropology, Asian Studies, Asian American Studies: Open System, Closed Minds”, Displacements and Diasporas: Asians in the Americas.

     Nancy Abelmann’s article, “Anthropology, Asian Studies, Asian American Studies: Open System, Closed Minds”, discusses the localities of the universities and students. Abelmann discusses how universities are contradicting themselves by allowing anthropology classes to discuss ethnic groups, and not having any ethnic literature classes. Abelmann also points out that there is a lack of communication between the students and the faculty members. Abelmann states that faculty members should have an “open mind” about what is taking place between the lines and lives of our students” (264). To better understand the students, especially the international students, faculty members should be culturally aware. By stating this, Abelmann is saying that by the faculty having an open mind, they will better understand the students and themselves. The faculty will better understand themselves by placing themselves in their students shoes while getting a higher education as well.

Question:
What are some ways that both faculties and students can practice “open minded” communication?



(From YouTube, Rendezvous - Nancy Abelmann 교수 Part 1)



Regina Lee, "Theorizing Diasporas: Three Types of Consciousness" . Reader

According to Lee, there are three times of consciousness or psychological states that diasporas exhibit: “idealization of homeland, boutique multicultural manifestation, and transitional/transformational identity politics” through which these communities should be examined with. Lee seeks to examine the different modes through which the diaspora could be explained from. The study of diasporas and the diasporic conditions are affected by rapid globalization and the impact of mobility and how these two factors shapes the previously stated consciousness.

The diasporic experience is affected by the idealization of the homeland in terms of the diaspora’s “strong identification with, and idealization of, the homeland”. In which despite the increasingly globalized economy, diasporic subjects and their experiences are greatly influenced by the “homeland myth (including the [embedded] myth of return)”. 

The diasporic experience is also affected by the concept of multicultural manifestation in which the diaspora’s value in a host country lies precisely in its difference and “exotic” characteristics. Also, the diasporas play into the “exotic” fantasies and stereotypes that the host country has of the diaspora in order to fit in and to be accepted. However, with the rise of "new diasporas [who] identify less with concerns of their predecessors", serve to break the hegemonic power structures and the exotic fantasies of diasporic subjects. 

The diasporic experience is affected by transitional or transformational state in which there is an “informed (if not ambivalent) way” of integrating and assimilating into the host society. Through studies of diasporic experience, there has always been a focus of the history in order to explain the journey and process of getting to the “here and now” but no focus of where the diaspora will go. The focus of the future trajectory of the diaspora provides a “significant impact on the framing/positioning of diasporic subjects and their narratives”. 

How do these three concepts play out in your experience as diasporic subjects, if you identify as one? 
Lee mentioned that the "future of diasporic trajectories" should be looked at in addition to foregrounding of histories to explain the current diasproic experience , what could that potentially look like?

Week 10: Asia as Home(land)

1. Popular Music: Sounds of Home, Resistance, and Change by Kieu-Linh Valverde

For many individuals, music is not only a medium of entertainment; it also symbolizes the essence of home. According to Valverde, the popularity of Vietnamese music not only influences North Vietnam but also South Vietnam and diasporic Vietnamese communities. This chapter discusses the effects music has on the communities both negative and positive.

Many negatives existed in the music scene, revealing the anguish of the people. After 1965, only songs “praising heroes of the revolution and proclaiming love of the newly reunified nation”(47) were allowed to be played thus songs expressing sad melancholic tones were forbidden. Even though these restrictions were implemented, individuals from both the North and South continued to enjoy Vietnamese music in secret. Media produced by groups such as Paris By Night/ Thuy Nga Productions circulated to Vietnam through the black market where it was purchased abundantly. In North Vietnam, bootlegged media was kept hidden and purchased secretly. On the other hand in South Vietnam, these items were sold out in the open to the public. This black market gave rise to the notion that Vietnamese individuals would go through whatever means to gain what they want; which was good music. Many individuals exhibiting strong opinions regarding the “types of music that should be produced and consumed led to censorship, which [was] not limited to Vietnamese living in Vietnam but [extended] to the diaspora”(52). Oftentimes, reasons behind censorship included: promoting music made in Vietnam and imagery threatening the ideology of anti-communism. These censorships led to riots. For Vietnamese singers promoting in America, they were typically met with protests and riots. A popular Vietnamese singer, Dam Vinh Hung, was pepper-sprayed by an anti-communist activist, Ly Tong, during a performance in the United States. Incidents like this showed that “cultural collaborations with Vietnam [were] not acceptable”(56).

Upon arriving in the new diaspora, many Vietnamese individuals longed for their homeland. Through music, they were able to recall memories and feel united through the heartfelt lyrics. Vietnamese diasporic individuals created entertainment companies such as Paris By Night/Asia to produce music shows, cassettes, cds, and videos. The creation of such industries allowed diasporic individuals to share a common link to the homeland they yearned for the most. Vietnamese diasporic individuals switched from jiving along American music to Vietnamese music. The integration gave rise to “aesthetic diversity”(39) and united the older generations with the younger generations. Being able to connect with the American and Vietnamese side created “a social space for identity formation”(39). Even for those in Vietnam, acceptance towards diasporic music has improved throughout the years.  This shared music spread to Vietnam, playing loudly in the streets. At the end of the day, the overseas Vietnamese and homeland Vietnamese will find themselves more alike than they think through their shared love for music and their culture.

Questions:

1. Because younger generations are most likely more limited in their knowledge of Vietnamese language and culture, why are they still abundant in the Vietnamese music scene?

2. Communism is a large issue that leads to significant protests. Do you feel like the restriction of certain images and music will really control communism? Why or why not?

Paris By Night- Toi La Nguoi Vietnam (I am Vietnamese)


2. Diaspora Politics, Homeland Erotics, and the Materializing of Memory” by Lousia Schein

“Diaspora Politics, Homeland Erotics, and the Materializing of Memory” by Lousia Schein points out the history of the Hmong people from Southeast Asia and their association with their “homeland”. A part of their history is that they came from China along with the fact that there isn’t much in writing about the Hmong people and most of what is passed down is through designs in their clothing. Hmong people originated in China as the “Miao” people and migrated down to possibly Mongolia as well as Southeast Asia due to possible conflicts with Chinese Imperialists. During the Viet Nam war, many Hmong people were seeking refuge in Laos and eventually immigrated to U.S. Many Hmong Americans long to go back to Laos and Hmong New Year is an important holiday for many Hmong people where Miao people from China as well as Lao people come to celebrate in Fresno. With much diversity in Hmong New Year, it shows a form of unity between cultures as well as exposure to gender norms like women wearing traditional Hmong dresses and more. It’s interesting to note that Hmong men consider the Miao women very exotic because of their relationship as the origin of Hmong people and how traditional they are while Hmong women who were previously seen as those who could not survive without a mate are eventually becoming more independent and discovering that they can be strong without being dependent. It is theorized that Hmong men seek these Miao women because the Hmong men feel emasculated by the progressive Hmong women and believe that seeking Miao women would achieve some power. In most Hmong traditions, men seek women in New Year festivals for marriage and there is a huge emphasis in marriage in the Hmong culture where some marriages can be arranged or that there is honor or dishonor when marrying certain clans. It is still difficult to define Hmong diaspora as many of the Hmong Americans came from different homelands like Thailand, Laos, China, and more. There is much materialization and objectification of women in the Hmong culture that it brings about cultural issues in the community and it may be seen as acceptable in cultural homelands, it may not be in America and can progressively change in the future possibly.

The following is a video on what Hmong New Year is like. As you can see, most of the women are dressed in traditional clothing and shows a huge gathering of people together in a space.

Questions:

1.       1. Who defines traditions? Is it possible to change tradition? If so, why is it so difficult to?

2.      2.  How is understanding gender roles related to diaspora studies and/or transnationalism

3. Jeffrey Lesser, "From Japanese to Nikkei and Back." Displacement. 

            Different fictitious stories have been spread on the origination of Japanese in Brazil. Jeffrey Lesser, examines the integration strategies of Japanese immigrants through the economical, political, and social sphere. All three stories of origins offer a striking similarity, the fact that the Japanese are viewed as more original, as if they were here before the Brazilian people were. To fight for a space of their own and for their own Brazilian identity, the Japanese has used many different methods and incorporated many different strategies. Even though they might have resided in Brazil for generations, some Japanese are still considered just Japanese, not Japanese-Brazilian, not Brazilian, but foreign.

            In order to counter this, the Japanese had to negotiate and fight for their own space. Some sought after “whiteness” through reproduction with Brazilians, while others sought after it through “economic growth and domestic production.” Eventually, things like status, nationalism, and productivity became a part of their identity.  Another way to integrate them within the Brazilian society is through unconditional nationalism. By addressing themselves as Brazilian and ONLY Brazilian, they are able to gain more acceptance. For example, Cassio Knro Shimomoto and Jose Yamashiro, students at San Paulo’s prestigious Sao Francisco Law School volunteered for the Sao Paulo state forces because of their nationalism and patriotism. They were praised for their actions and loyalty for the country and they became a figure of what Nikkei should be in Brazil.

            After the growing amount of anti-Japanese sentiments rolled out in the 1940s, some Japanese immigrants fought back by creating secret societies such as the Shindo Renmei that insisted that Japan had won WWII. These societies became increasingly popular; garnering the support of many Japanese immigrants because the group’s goal was to, “maintain a permanent Japanized space in Brazil through the preservation of language, culture, and religion among Nikkei and the reestablishment of Japanese schools.” Also, Shindo Renmei did not endorse Japan as the homeland, but much rather promoted Brazil as their home country. What was alarming that brought the Shindo Renmei group to the attention of the Brazilian government was the fact that they had recruited people to assassinate people who insisted that Japan had lost the war. What was even more shocking was the way that Jose Carlos de Marcedo Soares, a Brazilian politician dealt with this. Instead of addressing it as a Japanese problem, he and many other government officials got together with leaders of Shindo Renmei to come up with a settlement between the groups. This shows the respect and position that Nikkei in Brazil has gained throughout the years and how the Japanese are now considered to be a part of the Brazilian identity. Through the usage of identity formation, the Japanese are able to find a space of their own within the Brazilian society. 

Discussion Question

1.      What methods have other diasporas used to integrate themselves as part of the host country and identity?

2.      What is the difference between whiteness through skin color and whiteness through economic achievements?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a68Yo3RoZ1s

 

Written by Nicole, Tri-Thien, Cheyenne

Week 9: Digital Age and Cyber Space

Daniel Tsang. “Notes on Queer ‘N’ Asian Virtual Sex.” Reader.

In “Notes on Queer ‘N’ Asian Virtual Sex” by Daniel Tsang, he explains that the Bulletin Board System (BBS) has opened a door to exploring sexuality. But first, what is the BBS?

The website, BBS Corner states,

“Think of a Bulletin Board System (BBS) like you do the Internet, but on a much smaller scale. It is a self-contained online community that is operated by a System Operator (Sysop) and provides activities such as Message Forums, Shareware Files, E-mail and Online Games. Think of it as almost like a miniature Facebook. Before the Internet, you would "dial" a BBS system using an analog dial-up modem. Most modern BBS systems have transitioned to using a process called Telnet which uses the Internet to access BBS systems.”

The BBS is an earlier form of social media, but not as international like Facebook. With a smaller online community, people found each other more easily. So, it is a way to connect to people in one’s community. Also, the forum allows a sense of security and anonymous identity to the users. Tsang explains that with the BBS, many users state that they are “just coming out” and “few identify as straight” (434). These users are able to freely express their sexuality without feeling threatened and are able to talk about being gay or even meeting in person.

Tsang also talks about the stereotypical image of a gay Asian man as feminine, submissive, and a “rice queen”.

Facebook is one of the most internationally visited social networking sites and a college student’s haven for procrastination. Similarly to Tsang’s arguments of privacy, there has been and there continues to be many controversial issues involving too much information being released on facebook; pictures or private information on public. And one’s information can be sold to markets.

Questions:

1. What is the relationship between identity and cyberspace? In other words, describe how social media or virtual communities can influence or construct one’s identity.

-

http://vimeo.com/37685544

With technology and social media, the experiences and stories of the queer community can have a global impact.

“The Queer Culture & Social Media Study is a documentary project that has been ongoing for two years and continues to expand and explore the relationship between queer social media use in community development and identity exploration.

Following the conversation of 45 individuals from across the queer non-heteronormative spectrum in the United States and abroad the study continues to unveil vital information in understanding a shift in cultural landscapes.”

- A Queer Culture & Social Media Study (http://qcsms.tumblr.com/)

Mapping Networks of Support for the Zapatista Movement 

The Zapatista movement is an indigenous peasant movement based in Mexico that seems to epitomize global communication and the use of the internet as a grassroots politics mobilizing tool. Their debut moment was on January 1, 1994, when "...an army of about three thousand indigenous peasants united under the banner of Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (ESLN)" (McCaughey 165), on the same day that the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA took effect. The Zapatista movement's phenomenal success is attributed to its use of social networks on the internet. The article seeks to "map out" the networks that the Zapatista movement uses. 
First of all, the success of the Zapatista movement through social networking has been due to new communication structures brought about by the restructuring of power going on since the end of the cold war. The article states that "power has been redistributed among actors that until recently had no significant presence in the international public arena" (McCaughey 166), essentially letting marginalized groups have more international presence to bring attention to their issues, which is possible due to two factors: "...globalization, which has fostered a relative decline of the power of states while nourishing the rise and strength of non-state actors," and "...a telecommunications revolution [that] has facilitated the exchange of information among underrepresented groups in society and has opened alternative spaces wherein these groups can make their voice heard by the international community" (McCaughey 165). From globalization and telecommunications revolutions there has been the development of information technology such as the internet, which is used by nongovernmental organizations to not only facilitate a social movement but to also seek out other movements to act in solidarity with. 
The Zapatista movement has used such information technology to mobilize and connect with allies. Their strategy is to "...exploit new communications technologies to create global relationships" (McCaughey 169), which they accomplish by having hyperlinks to a diverse range of allies' websites on their homepage, which indicates their relationship with other non-government organizations or movements. According to the study, Zapatista-related sites are "central to global NGO networks and help to bind them together" (McCaughey 181) as without the Zapatista-related sites, the networks would not be as connected, marking the Zapatista movement as an important figure in the internet. 
The Zapatista movement, as a pioneer of mobilizing through social networks via the internet, can be considered "...a new type of transnational social movement emerging in the global order to counter globally defined threats and the shrinking of national political action spaces" (McCaughey 171) and shares many similarities to the examples of global grassroots politics in the Michael Peter Smith article. However, the examples given are primarily of transnational migrants, while the Zapatista focuses on indigenous people's rights in Mexico, is very militant, and disseminates information about the indigenous peoples' plight through the internet. This may just be a technical disparity, and the Zapatista movement may very well be considered "global grassroots politics." The Zapatista movement fits the "thinking locally while acting globally" model, it is localized around the indigenous people of Mexico and the political arena that they have chosen to pursue their objectives is global, the internet (Smith 25).

Questions:
1.) Do you think that there are currently any transnational social movements that match the sheer scope and success of the Zapatista movement? If so, are they primarily using the internet? 

2.) Do you think that the internet and social networking sites are a good resource for alternative information and social movement mobilization? For example, sites such as angryasiangirlsunited.tumblr.com provide a safe space for Asian women to vent frustrations of microaggressions and outright harassment, find information about current events in the transnational Asian community, and appreciate themselves. Could something like this be considered a social movement?

Kieu-Linh Caroline Valverde. “Social Transformations from Virtual Communities”. Transnationalizing Viet Nam.

After the Vietnam War, many Vietnamese refugees and families fled to other countries, especially the United States, to start their new lives away from the new regime. There were hardly any advanced technology or Internet users in Vietnam at the time to communicate their relatives in new countries, but two people, Hoanh Tran and Tin Le, created their own information communication technology (ICT) called VNForum, which allowed the Vietnamese community in Vietnam and America to interact. It transcended the restricted borders between the two nations, and spread politics, beliefs, and feelings to each other. It was not easy to create the ICT because of the slow technology growth and the Vietnamese government feared the overseas Vietnamese anticommunists’ political beliefs that would undermine their control. The Vietnamese lacked the enthusiasm and knowledge of what ICT could do to advance the country in technology. The anticommunists, on the other hand, wanted to insult the Vietnamese government and tried to shut some of the ICT development down. Rob Hurle, a computer expert, was aware of the anticommunists’ feelings, which objected to any aids that would help advance Vietnam (Valverde, 72). Although there were struggles to maintain the networks, there were some people who created a safe virtual space for the people to freely connect and share their thoughts and news in both nations.

Tin Le and Hoanh Tran created VNForums, which its popularity skyrocketed since they established rules on membership and communication to make the environment safe. Many people subscribed and talked about the issues, especially granting the overseas Vietnamese people more rights in Vietnam. This communication affected the community to start projects and fight for overseas rights. One example is the Vietnamese government slowly gave way to allow overseas Vietnamese to obtain citizenship and ownership of land, but with many requirements that revolves around their loyalties and contributions to the nation. Another example is Thuyen Nguyen’s No-Nike campaign, which led to many Vietnamese Americans boycotting Nike and making the factories change their ways and stop abusing the workers. Lastly, inspired by VNForum, Hoanh Tran created VNBiz for members to talk about economic and business issues that could help Vietnamese businesses thrive, and Dot Chuoi Non for members to talk freely about ways to improve Vietnam on social and political stances. These types of ICT helped Vietnam improve and the people spread the news and topics overseas.

ICT types like VNForums, VNBiz, and Dot Chuoi Non are one of the great influences for activism where many people would start projects that affect the government and the community. It transcends the boundaries between the nations and becomes a virtual Vietnamese diasporic community. The overseas and national Vietnamese people post up issues and news and read comments that would either agree, disagree, or have solutions to the problems in a safer environment. It would spread to not only the citizens, but also capture the Vietnamese government’s eyes on improving the nation. ICT is an important development for the nations to consider using because information from different areas of the world would help them advance and become successful. It also helps people communicate with others and understand what is happening in their homelands. ICT does not have to have to be just blogs or e-mails, but it can also be in forms of videos or social networks (i.e. Twitter, Facebook). The video (below) shows two people in Indonesia who experimented their lives in following a Nike worker’s lifestyle on the wages they received. They also showed how the workers were abused in the factories and how the Indonesian people were trying to fight against the mistreatment. This video had many commentators who sympathize with the people and dislike what was going on. ICT is one of the many ways to communicate and show news in other countries and spread the news to inform and/or try to make changes. If we want to be in the world and make changes, we must communicate with the world.

Citation: Nike Sweatshops: Behind the Swoosh. 28 Jul. 2011. Youtube. 28 Feb. 2014. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M5uYCWVfuPQ

Questions: 
 1) How much information/news do you receive about the world in social networks (i.e. Facebook, Twitter)? Based on your answer, would you consider social networks as a useful ICT to spread news? Why or why not?

2) Do you see ICT as a nation-building project? Give an example and explain how it would help improve the nation. 

3) As Vietnam slowly improves on its technology and communication, will they catch up to First World countries? Why or why not? What will it take to do so?

4) Tin Le and Hoanh Tran had to filter out the extreme anticommunists' comments and other flames to make a safe environment for the members to talk about issues in Vietnam. What do you think about their actions and decisions? Do you think it was right to exclude them from this virtual community?

By: Shantal, Jillian, and Marryanne

Week 8: Gender and Sexuality

By Casey, Jing, and Linda

In the Shadows of Stonewall: Examining Gay Transnational Politics and the Diasporic Dilemma - Martin F. Manalansan

The Stonewall Riots that took place on June 26, 1994 was seen as the turning point in the history of transnational gays and lesbians in which several violent riots took place by the gay community against a police raid. It was seen as the moment that defined the modern fight for rights for the gay and lesbian community.

According to Manalansan, he argues that the "local practices and local histories" along with "national culture, history, religion, class, and region" may play an more of an important role in shaping the "subjectivities in specific places" (141). He also argues that the increasingly globalization of the meaning of gayness and the gay and lesbian movement have promoted the Western definitions and culture to be dominant while non-Western definitions are seen as inferior and non-modern. This globalization leads to the marginalizing and invisibilizing of the non-Western queer communities, practices, culture, history, and experiences.
Also, the article mentions of countries and people who deny the existence of gays and lesbians and their community.


10,000 Senora Lees: The Changing Gender Ideology of Korean-Latina-American Women in the Diaspora - Kyeyoung Park

Iara Lee, Korean Brazilian Filmmaker

This article focuses on the secondary migrants of Korean-Latna-American women which they were first from South Korea to South America and then to the U.S. analyzing the experiences of Korean Latina women in the context of the Brazilian culture in comparison to the culture in the US.
There is a huge divide in terms of how gendered roles are applied in the two distinct cultures in which Brazilian cultures do not necessarily have the same rigid racial and gender structure as the US does.


Also, Park analyzes her experience in South America as a Korean women in terms of how the gendered roles and notions are affected and influenced by being born or raised in South America. She compares her experience of being Korean in South America to being Korean in North America. As a Korean in North America, she experienced racism and discrimination based on her skin color as she was seen as a comparison to a white women that fell short. The discrimination and racism was not so much of a big issue in South America than in North America for her as a Korean women.

Park's experiences in these two varying cultures and society present a context through which we can further understand the diasporas in the two communities and how the cultures and ideals could be so different for someone who is ethnically Asian living in societies that


Filipino Sea Men: Identity and Masculinity in a Global Labor Niche 

 The individual identity is strongly fostered by nation-state influences, as well as the projections that outsiders bring in. However, identity - and specifically, the notion of gender and sexuality, is also propagated by cultural values and individual self-building. “Filipino Sea Men: Identity and Masculinity in a Global Labor Niche” discusses the various ways in which the notion of Filipino seafarers are politicized, exploited, and remade, in order to create group that constantly explores and morphs preconceived gender roles.

 The origins and history of Filipino boat men is a long road filled with subordination and exploitation, and promotion of an “ideal worker”, creating deep-set biased beliefs within foreigners looking into the Filipino identity: they see Filipinos as quiet, dependable workers, with a streak of femininity - that is, they have “service with a smile” and an overall elevated degree of friendliness. Such a perception is rooted in history - Filipino seamen were originally favored by imperialist countries because of their competency in English and their formal training. Views about Filipino men were formed by their employers over the many years: that they are neat, have high regards for the family, are hard workers who seldom complain. These perceptions, however, are not only passed on through experience with working with the individuals, but also through the propaganda from the Philippine government, which was a smaller part of a large project to send its surplus of workers overseas - or in this case, out to sea, by blurring gender divides and helping restructure the masculinities of Filipino sea men by basing values not to macho acts, but to family loyalty.

 The bamboo ceiling is ever present in this particular labor market, for Filipino sea men suffer a loss of individualism - they are seen as a homogenous, low-status, compliant group within ships, which gives them little chance for recognition. The view that Filipino men are hard workers obscures the real and diverse identities of men that hold this occupation.

 Diasporic identity is strongly tied to the relations of the diasporic group with not just the home country, but by views and attitudes that other nation-states and groups have of them. However, the Filipino seamen have been suprisingly resistant to all of these perceptions by avoiding the internalization of a singular aspect of these perceptions, and instead constructing their own diverse line of masculinity - instead of accepting the “feminine” values that other countries bestow upon them, they retaliate not by being dominantly masculine, but by expressing multiple different forms of what they perceive to be masculinity based on what they value the most. In this case, such laborers do not succumb to the pulls of the black and white “feminine male” versus “dominant male” narrative, but instead, form their own version of what it means to be masculine by accepting aspects of both, and forming ideals of their own as well.



  Questions to Discuss: 

1. Why might it be good for nation-states to blur gender roles when advertising the value of their overseas workers?

 2. How does the perception of “compliant” and “hardworking” as a trait in Filipino seamen parallel to the “model minority” phenomenon that we see today? How might they be different?

3. What are some of the notions and views of the gay and lesbian community that does not fit into the Western ideologies and definitions? How are these non-Western notions viewed by those in the diasporas?

4. How do diasporas contribute to the globalization of the gay movements such as the Stonewall Riots?

5. Seeing as Koreans in diasporic countries have an experience that is different from those in their home country, in what aspects could the diasproic experience coincide with the home experience in terms of gender roles and ideologies? Are there overlapping gendered stereotypes?

6. Would you argue that the family unit in these diasproic communities are affected by the national culture? If so, to what degree? How would transnationalism and globalization impact the family unit and the national culture?