Week 4: Economics

“Global Commodity Networks and the Leather Footwear Industry”

By Miguel Korzeniewicz

Commodity chains are a limited aspect of global economic interdependence, for it merely emphasizes interconnectedness in the production of goods.  Rather, the idea of Global Commodity Networks (GCM’s) offers a more holistic view of economic occurrences.  In addition to the normal routes of production, cultural aspects account for trade fluctuations and efficiency, while fickle consumer taste act as a gatekeeper for the fleshing and styling of the actual product.  This article performs a case study to validate these effects, using the interconnections between the shoe industries in the United States, Brazil, and Argentina as models.

In this simplified example, the United States serves as the ultimate acceptor, with Brazil and Argentina holding most of production.  Demand for imported footwear in the United States, which is indicated by the “value of footwear imports between 1967 and 1980 increasing tenfold...tripling to 9 billion in 1990 (317)”.  This prompted an increase in shoe production in Brazil, with Argentina as the base, with their high-quality leather goods.  Therefore, in this way, all three countries depend on each other for profit and a good outcome - an agreement that any one country cannot do alone.  Brazil appears to be the one pushed and pulled by both sides - one, by the demander, and two, its supplier of raw goods.  Much of the drama that is within production focuses on relations between Brazil and Argentina, while marketing the product and the product itself involves the US and other, larger ties with the rest of the world.

Globalization has brought its fair share of benefits - and consequences.  In the shoe industry, supply, demand, and the middlemen in between are all intertwined into one large mass, which offers plenty of production and innovation.  Such dependency through not just hard economic ties, but influences that are of cultural and ethnic relevance has noteworthy consequences.  For example, the Germanic background of many shoe manufacturers in Brazil produces “competitive collectivism” among themselves, paving the path to further output to the shoe-hungry United States.  Transnational identities - such as the Brazilians with firm German backgrounds - create a further sense of identity and obligation, influencing production to a large degree.  In this way, economic ties are strengthened by the sense of community that German-Brazilian shoe manufacturers had created for themselves.

Fashions and trends now go through a series of checks and balances before they are mass-marketed to the public’s tastes, which are increasingly more international - another indication of globalization.  Production, therefore, now has an additional step - evaluating the ever-fluctuating preferences of individuals at many corners of the world.  In this case, “intermediaries” go to “global cities” - New York, Paris, Hong Kong etc. to scrutinize the sizzling status of certain style, bringing back their findings for shoe manufacturers.  This observation hold significance, for it indicates homogeny among public tastes throughout the world, and how even preference is now dictated by factors that have been spread, thanks to the information age and ease of travel brought on by globalization.

(The quality and nature of advertisements for shoes are changing with technology. In Norway, there is a new way of looking at shoes in a magazine called “Augmented Reality.”)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wKwLBWCKs94)

“Asians on the Rim: Transnational Capital and Local Community in the Making of Contemporary Asian America”

By: Arif Dirlik

Arif Dirlik discusses the understanding and meaning of an “Asian America”. First, he describes two news reports in AsianWeek published in January of 1996 by Matt Fong, California State Treasurer and Henry Der, from the California Department of Education. Matt Fong argues for a growth in global trade connecting California to the Pacific, while Henry Der argues for a commitment to the communities in California.

Dirlik illustrates the two contrasting ideas as: “looking to the Pacific” (2), connecting roots back to Asia, and “looking to communities rooted in California and their historical legacies” (2), connecting to the history and community of life in the United States.
Similarly, there is the tension between area studies and Asian American studies. Area studies is more of an orientalist study, focusing more abroad and globalizing with the world, whereas Asian American studies focuses on the culture, problems, politics, and community in the U.S.

So is Asian America based on two separate ideals: global or local?
Dirlik explains that it is increasingly diasporic. People move back and forth in multiple locations.

(Henry Der, Photo Credit: AsianWeek 2012)

Legal Servitude and Free Illegality: Migrant “Guest” Workers in Taiwan

Engaging in migrant work is an attractive way to help the economic state of families and associates.  However, there are two sides to this work - one of legal servitude, and another of an ironically undocumented freedom.  As Pei-Chia Lan’s article stresses, abiding by the rules can ironically breed corruption, while illegal work, though not without its own risks, enact freedom and a better chance at economic prosperity.  Labor of this kind can be a misconception - the reality is a dismal enslavement, tied up in metaphorical chains rather than fair, clean work.  This piece examines the consequences of too much labor and not enough demand for such in the relationship between the nation-states Taiwan and the Philippines - and the helplessness experienced by the guest worker, with the result of said worker breaking out by breaking the rules - by running away.

“Guest worker” is a term that is broadly encompassing.  One must place a distinction on the type of labor - blue-collar workers are subject to harsh rules and contracts, while white-collar professionals such as teachers and businesspeople are generally granted an unlimited range of stay, depending on a case-by-case basis (Lan, 258).  This article focuses on the plight of the blue collar domestic worker, mainly referring to women who take care of their employers’ household chores.  Coming from generally disadvantaged economic backgrounds, these foreign laborers hold the indignity of having to pull exorbitant amounts of money out of their own pockets in order to be placed in a job - something that Taiwanese brokerage companies have been in the practice of doing.  This investment of their own capital creates a sense of obligation in the worker, giving them little choice but to endure the abuse from employers.

The host and home countries also work together in order to continue the flow of guest workers The Philippine government, for example, displays the idea of a “nation-hero” - one who is in another country, working hard for their family back at home, while still being fiercely loyal to their country (Lan, 256).  This strategy is enacted in an effort to inspire a sense of national pride from those who had left the Philippines in favor of other parts of the world - thus inspiring transnational ties.  The country who receives these workers then reap in the benefits of a younger, more efficient cheap labor by restricting overseas contracts to one to three years, thus effectively kicking out aging workers (Lan, 256).  Sending countries, in this way, strike a contract with host nation-states to make a profit out of the ebb and flow of human workers - using the concept of labor as a commodity.  In this way, the individual voice can be lost, and corruption can easily pursue.

One of the main reasons for the movement of people to other places is the search for profit.  Better economic opportunity is in the guest worker’s mind - however, blue-collar workers in other countries are treated abysmally, with exploitation occurring even before they begin to work.  The spread of people across the world is not always welcome or a leap to progress, as the case of the guest worker clearly articulates.

In Hong Kong, there is a court ruling allowing application for permanent residency status for foreign workers after 7 years of legally working in the city - however, opposition abounds.

(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mhfQZTfOEQk)

QUESTIONS:

1. In “Global Commodity Networks and the Leather Footwear Industry: Emerging Forms of Economic Organization in a Postmodern World” by Miguel Korzeniewicz, how has fashion shoe trends affected globalization?
2. The US development in the shoe market is outlined from the 1920s, 1946-1960, and mid 1970s. What happened during each year?
3. In “Asians on the Rim: Transnational Capital and Local Community in the Making of Contemporary Asian America”, Arif Dirlik describes two contradicting ideals of Asian Americans: globally and locally. Discuss these ideals. Do you think it’s a contradiction?
4. In “Legal Servitude and Free Illegality: Migrant “Guest” Workers in Taiwan” by Pei-Chia Lan, many people overseas come to the United States to work and send money back home. This movement of bodies can lead to exploitation because they are considered “cheap labor”. What parallels of the past are similar to this?
5. What is the difference between white collar and blue collar jobs?

(BY: SHANTAL MOUA & JING MAI)

Week 3: Processes- Transnationalism

1. “From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration,” by Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Szanton Blanc

The article discusses the topic of transnational migration, which Schiller describes as “immigrants whose daily lives depend on multiple and constant interconnections across international borders and whose public identities are configured in relationship to more than one nation-state” (48). This puts on a debate on immigration in the U.S. In the 1960’s, “transnational” was referred to as the establishment of corporate structures with established organizational based in more than one state, but now transnational processes have become part of a broader phenomenon of globalization.

Schiller then states that there are three main focuses for immigrants to live transnational lives: a global restructuring of capital based, racism in both the U.S. and Europe that contributes to the economic and political insecurity, and the nation building projects of both home and host society build political loyalties among immigrants to each nation-state in which they maintain social ties (50). However, immigrants still face situations of economic opportunity insecurities along with racial discrimination.

In the past, immigrants were forced to forget about where they came from, because the U.S. demanded that citizens, both native and naturalized identify the U.S. as “home”. In contemporary times, immigrants who permanently settled in a new country still maintained their ties to their “homelands”. For example, immigrants who have moved away to settle in the U.S. for better job opportunities, then sending money or any other necessities back to their family.

2. “Asian American Studies in the Age of Transnationalism: Diaspora, Race,Community”

by Jonathan Y. Okamura

In Jonathan Okamura’s “Asian American Studies in the Age of Transnationalism: Diaspora, Race,Community,” he argues that it is vital for AAS to “retain a primary concern with the community by situating it transnationally in the larger context of global economic and political forces and processes”(172). By embracing transnationalism as well, he believes Asian American communities become more “densely connected to Asia than before”(193).

The Asian American Studies department gained much popularity amongst students.

Individuals gained understanding of their community through theoretical developments such as poststructuralism, postmodernism, cultural studies, and transnationalism.

An example Okamura uses for transnationalism was Filipinos in diaspora who maintained cultural practices including: returning back to the homeland sending gifts, and communicating via telephone and email.

Even though Okamura provides readers with a sense of why transnationalism gave a strong framework for Asian Americans, there are also examples of how global forces, including Asian foreign investors, may negatively impact the daily lives of residents. Unfortunately in the past decades, San Francisco’s Filipino American community was demolished due to the global economy’s need for commercial and residential real estate. In this case, Okamura refers to other Asian American groups such as Chinese Americans and Asian Indians as “transnationalist capitalists, entrepreneurs, and highly-paid immigrant officials”(192). In his opinion, there are disadvantaged ethnic minorities that are still unable to resist the global economic forces of the New Economy.

Ultimately, Okamura urges the need for the community to “seek social and economic justice and local empowerment” for those who still continue to struggle in order for AAS to continue to advance.

3. Christopher Lee--"Diaspora, Transnationalism, and Asian American Studies: Positions and Debates"

The development of Asian American Studies as a discipline occurred as a result of a combination of historical, political and cultural demands. Because of burgeoning inequalities along race and ethnic lines in the United States during the 1960's, the civil rights movement took place; spawned Ethnic Studies and Asian American Studies.

There is no doubt that transnationalism and diasporas are inherently part of Asian American history. However, Lee argues that the discipline has become "overly domestic in its research focus" (32). Lee is calling for a re-injection of transnational and diasporic centered thought for Asian American studies. This incorporation of both transnational and diasporic ideas has already been studied by many feminist and queer theory scholars (Lee, 29). The necessity for Asian American studies to refocus on transnational and disaporic thought is because the current focus is more so focused on the American side of Asian American dialogue. Lee's stance on "rethinking transnational/diasporic processes" in Asian American Studies, he argues that it is both "promising" and could potentially be "totalizing or illuminating" (30).

As we have mentioned and revisited every lecture so far, definitions of Diasporas are ever changing with every definition as a working definition. Transnationalism would also likely have an ever changing definition. Lee strongly suggests that the previous two concepts should be reintegrated back into Asian American Studies. Adding a diasporic approach for Asian American Studies would take into consideration a more intersectional; rather than a "U.S.-centric view" (32). On a final note, Lee reminds the reader that without a reinsertion of transnationalism back into Asian American studies, then the field may be inaccurately studying some of the communities which form its foundation (32).

Ho Chi Minh City December '09. 

(Photo credits Eldo Chan)

Questions:
1. Why does the hegemonic political ethic of the U.S. want its migrant citizens to forget about their ties to their homeland?

2. In your opinion, are the drawbacks of transnationalism(racism,exploitation,displacement) worth it? Or is it better to accept denationalization?

3. Even though transnationalism has been made easier through technology,has transnational racism decreased? Or is the stereotype of the perpetual foreigner still imminent in society?

4. If definitions of diasporas and transnational ideas are ever changing, how will academia (for Asian American Studies) decide what the "proper" baseline is for these two concepts?

5. When and if Asian American Studies incorporates more diasporic and transnational concepts, will this revive (or dilute) the stagnant state of the discipline?

Written by: Adrian, Nicole and Eldo

Week 2: Contexts--Globalization

Contexts--Globalization

Evelyn Hu-Dehart - "Introduction: Asian American Formations in the Age of Globalization"

            Hu-Dehart's essay involves a look at Asian American identity as players in both external/internal United States issues and global economics. Interestingly enough, Hu-Dehart explains that these identities are both self-assumed and placed upon one as a result of both historical and present demands. There seems to be internal conflict with Asian American identity especially in our modern multicultural, pluralistic United States. Asian American's in Hu-Dehart's essay, like many others constantly struggle to prove their American-ness and at the same time reinforce ties with the "home" country.

            In researching Asian American's role as an external player, Hu-Dehart refers to this group as "transnationals and bridgebuilders on the Pacific Rim" (9). The bridge that the immigrant has to their home country is not severed even if their offspring What this means is that the role of being a transnational participant is passed on from the immigrant to his/her offspring. An example of this is the reference to Gary Locke who was the first Chinese-American governor to be elected in the United States (Hu-Dehart 1-2). Locke was an example to Asian American's that "minority success" was possible and to the citizens of his ancestral home that one of their own had achieved status in the host country (2). Critics of Locke question his role as a bridgebuilder even though he does not speak his ancestral language.

            Internally, Hu-Dehart looks at Asian American's role in domestic politics as conflicted and praised at the same time. An example of this exists when referencing Bill Lan Lee, who was appointed to direct the Western regional office of the NAACP (Hu-Dehart 21). Lee's legacy as an accomplished attorney fulfills the model Asian progeny climbing up the ranks of the host country (not unlike Locke). Challenges occur when Lee finds himself blocked from his appointment to the U.S. Department of Justice by Senator Orrin Hatch (Hu-Dehart 21). This is clear evidence that the receiving country still sees the Asian American as an outsider, unfit for his or her position even if they are thoroughly qualified for it.

            Lastly is the issue of Asian Americans as a singular group. To lump Asian American success in both transnational and domestic realms as universal to all Asians merely reinforces the model minority ideology. Hu-Dehart points out that many (Southeast Asians) do not have the amount of cultural capital that many of the dominant Asian groups possess. This glossing over of Asian American success serves to de-racialize issues, implying that Asians have come up the ranks politically and that the "problem" is no longer.

1. Is one's "asian-ness" and competency as a transnational bridgebuilder require them to speak the language of their ethnic home?

2. If not, then is the bridgebuilder just a "familiar" face to be used in personal connections (guanxi) to facilitate international relations?

3. As a bridgebuilder, someone who links two different countries, has the Asian American really improved their status as an "outsider"?

Gary Locke as an "inbetweener", speaking on Internet Freedom in China:

E. San Juan Jr. - "The Ordeal of Ethnic Studies in the Age of Globalization"

            A post 9/11 world where heightened national security and an where neo-conservative rhetoric posits rationality is where San Juan Jr. places the plight of Ethnic Studies. San Juan does not argue that the inception of Ethnic Studies was a necessary one given a long history of racial inequality in the United States.

            However, given the now almost 13 year 9/11 incident, racial profiling of Arab and Arab Americans is rampant, with Ethnic Studies as the main ally for Arabs (San Juan Jr. 273). San Juan Jr. calls for a revamping of Ethnic Studies as a field of study in order to keep it progressive and on the forefront of social justice. He argues that the field of Ethnic Studies has lost its "steam" because ethnic pluralism and multicultural-ness have been accepted by the majority rendering Ethnic Studies less useful than previous historical events which called for it.

            Further arguments that San Juan Jr. presents for the necessity of reinventing Ethnic Studies is when he asks the reader if institutionalized racism and covert discrimination exist today (276). San Juan Jr. also mentions that post 9/11 conservatism sees pluralism as a threat to national security, fueling the pressure for assimilation rather than the acceptance of multiculturalism in the United States. Ethnic Studies has therefore lost its power as the steward of disseminating information for social justice. San Juan Jr. suggests that Ethnic Studies should reexamine its roots and formulate new methods to combat racial inequality which still exists.

1. Has globalization reduced the efficacy of Ethnic Studies, or is a result of the commoditization of education in the United States?

2. If Ethnic Studies was introduced to give the "Others" a voice, empowering those first underrepresented groups, how and who receives the pulpit to express their concerns today? Are they other ethnic minorities, or experts on the fields of these peoples?

Banning of Ethnic Studies in Arizona as a result of neo-conservatism:

(written by Eldo and Jennine)